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Rights to Belligerency 



■AND— 



Cuba's Silent Appeal 



-TO THE — 



AMERICAN PEOPLE. 



BY O. O. BlfACKE. 



9 



Price, 35 Cents. 



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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/rightstobelligerOObrac 



Rights to Belligerency 



-AND- 



CUBA'S SILENT APPEAL 



-TO — 



THE AMERICAN PEOPLE 



COPYRIGHTED BY 

O. O. BIJACKE, 

GBRMANIA, IOWA. 



1897, 



1/'--' 



PREFACE 



Readers we call, 
In passing the events, 

by some or by all, 
Calmly on your attention. 
Silent we thought of our claim 
Coming by dawn 

of infinite morrow, 
Clearing the clouds 

of distress and sorrow 
Brightly distinguish the rights 

of our aim. 

Silence forever was not our intention, 
Rather our cause by its life 

and dimensions, 
Speaks of its presence 

by action and words. \ 
Should we have rights 

by the dawn of the morrow, 
More than of days gone by, 
Freedom anew, then, on wings 

should it fly 
Seeking your good-will and love 

in our sorrow. 



— 4— 
Then, shall we watchful and true, 
Cling to the hope 

which has brought to our view: 
Coming forever with freedom 

as fellow. 
Never relinquish the precious right; 
Sublime as gifts 

from our heavenly Father; 
Mingling on earth 

with the thrallborne flatter; 
Struggling like day against night. 

Truth on its side 

Victory bring like a powerful tide, 

Nursing the wants 

that forever are living, 
Though, its appearance 

they could not behold. 
Those who have fought 

for a glimpse of its presence 
Just paid their tribute; 

a part of its essence, 
Divinely the being could never grow old. 




Belligerency and Facts of the 
Cuban Situation. 



The pause in the proceedings of the United States 
government to establish formally the belligerency of 
Cuba is not equivalent to the sentiment of an earlier 
date prevalent in parliamentary circles in this country. 
It likely has its catches in some of the circumstances 
involving in traditional connection internationally. 
Diplomacy, too, has its preferences and secrets, and our 
statesmen may be subject to all the hesitancy and 
deliberation the emergency may permit to make the 
ascertained moves, so that the world may be getting to 
know on which shoulder America will carry the cloak in 
this serious Cuban controversy; a question which once 
more allowed to appear on the scene of insurgency in a 
consecutive continuance of barbaric cruelties, might be 
"by once too many.' 1 

Although the sentiment of the nation has been 
clearly shown at different instances, the matter has 
been officially very carefully handled even to a degree 
of hesitancy. 

The sentiment among the people has not been 



— 6— 
worked to any degree of agitation in favor of Cuban in- 
dependence, and yet the feeling i n favor of such, is 
decidedly more profound than has been so far mani- 
fested by congress. Probably this is due to the circum- 
stance that public sentiment of a national character has 
a freer range in first instance, and thus makes a truer 
expression of the situations; while politicians seem to 
be environed by the mysteries of their profession which 
makes them think they owe to the position all the 
prudence appliable without subduing the question 
entirely. 

Whatever the outcome may be, history will never 
accuse these representatives of the people for precipita- 
ting the matter into an undue action when it takes 
congress two years to deliberate and come to a conclu- 
sion. Here are not divided interests like policies of a 
mere civil and internal nature, which interfere and create 
dividing lines in the opinions, but the hesitancy with the 
exception of a few decided advocates, indicates that a 
doubt is the undercurrent; and their doubt is not national 
and it is patriotic more or less according to the individ- 
ual opinion of those highly trusted members of congress 
and government. 

To measure those politicians' respect for liberty by 
their doubt and hesitancy would not be just; it is 
evident that this doubtful spirit was worked in from the 
outside. It could not work its way through the same 
door as the representatives entered, because such an 
opinion was scarcely prevalent on their home side, but 
through the door of prominence influenced by foreign 
statesmanship entered the opposing spirit which caused 
the dragging unhealthy action in the Cuban affair. 

Too much doubt even in politics makes the very 
best condition impregnable to any good purpose of 



-7- 
common welfare, and so it may do in cases of individual 
interests. 

America has rightly been called the wonderland 
for centuries back, and she earned the reputation by un- 
equaled growth in population and developments of her 
natural resources. Today the world has grown used to 
her presence, and even with her magnitude in popula- 
tion as a fact, ceased to wonder because of the facilities 
mentioned above. Some one might compare this cir- 
cumstance by a lady who had won popularity on account 
of her beauty, but whose plastic lines were gradually 
erased by the passing of times until the fashionable 
observation finally classified her among the common 
lot. It shall be far from me to make such a comparison 
in this instance. But I would say that the world may 
be still wondering at this country, and the wonder may 
be where America hides her strength externally. * * 
Should some one ask the reason therefor, those who 
have the authority might answer like some of those 
nations of small population would, that are situated 
near a greater one: "We are in for peace internation- 

ally." ' 

Our mission as a nation is a Prophecy, and it is 
not my intention here to make a determination thereof. 
I am trying to compare the exigencies with the pre- 
vailing sentiment and possibly point out where we 
ought to stand, and if the policy of our administration 
be an erring one and still kept on to; my critic may 
not even then fall to the ground. 

Too much schismatic opinion is one of the causes 
of external weakness in national life, and such weakness 
was manifested when the recognition of the Cuban 
belligerence worked its way through congress. The 
majority of those men in congress knew to a degree of 
exactness our material strength but they doubted our 



right to determine it consequently, and the doubt was 
worked in from abroad. 

When it finally had gained the favor of the majority 
the executive power swung out its paralyzing veto and 
down went that frail little creature whose first 
tender voice caused the young blood of old Spain to 
boil over in indignation, and made patriotism yonder in 
that country to clinch its fists in wrath. For ours it 
was the outcome of nearly two years more or less hard 
labor in our national assembly. I have talked with 
many people of acceptable intelligence who believe the 
Cuban belligerency to be established by the act of con- 
gress, but it is formally as dead with regard to this 
country as any of the laws are powerless which have 
been voted down. 

But why did not the president sign the act? I 
think it was because he knew the wavering uncertainty 
in congress. 

To recognize the Cuban belligerence is the same as 
to recognize a fact which the Cuban insurgents have 
established by plain demonstrations. But the right of 
belligerency is yet indefinite and cannot readily be 
made an object of determination at any national 
assembly. And suppose it could be determined in- 
dividually or by majorities it would be too primitive to 
materialize it by laws as long as there is one or more 
standing army on earth; for if the one who had the 
armed force made an assault on the other the natural 
instinct of self defence would invent weapons and the 
affairs probably carry on to the old way. So the ques- 
tion of the moral right to belligerency is rather absurd. 

And why should such a prestige be demanded of 
Cuba in order to recognize her belligerency. History 
shows that wars have been commenced, fought desper- 
ately and closed without the slightest sound moral 



-9- 
grounds, and nobody ever thought of disputing their 
belligerency. The right to carry on a war is a 
traditional one and is founded on the superior force of 
the weapon on the one hand and by the instinct of self 
defence on the other, and the causes may be legio; 
even down to a mere personal love affair. 

Natural sympathy is in many instances enough 
ground on which to establish the right of belligerency. 
And where no such is present, the very circumstances 
is sufficient when the parties are able to carry on the 
war in a modern way and not abuse the right of man. 

Prejudice or trespassing on political interests alone 
will ignore such rights to one when it is given or 
acknowledged to others. 

When the time arrives that independence shall be 
conceded to those who might deserve it, without the 
enforcement by material weapons, the era of wars may 
be surpassed. 

These points then indicate that from a traditional 
standpoint insurgency has claims to the right of 
belligerence when brought forth by modern warfare 
or they have no rights at all; for it would not be 
admitted to bring its claim before a civil court nor 
before an arbitration; they would have no case at either 
of these powers of civilization, because tradition is the 
overwhelming element and thus necessitate the barbaric 
way of warfare. 

If somebody had the power to demonstrate that this 
country was entirely free from natural sympathy with 
the Cubans in their struggle for independence, we 
might still have very doubtful right to ignore their 
rights of belligerency unless our national condition 
were dependent on the good will of the contesting 
part on the other side. Then, the way to independence is 
the right to belligerency and no parliamentary power 



—10— 
could ignore the latter without denying the former. 

Cuba has consequently established her right to 
belligerency by holding for several years the odds 
against one of the European powers which has a history 
in the practice of warfare and a record of centuries for 
development in strength and influence. The circum- 
stance that they (Cubans) are waging war for their 
freedom and independence is a fact. Someone might 
compare this with the many social disturbances history 
relates to having been suppressed by armed "force, but 
who will call it a mere social disturbance with the 
record of all the tragical struggles in the background on 
the island of Cuba? A European nation which counts 
its ancestors nearly back to classical glorification, has 
put on the scene all the modern invention of war, and 
besides this strengthened its superior grip by com- 
mitting heaps of old-fashioned cruelties which have 
been tolerated and forgiven by humanity, only when 
shaded over by the dim smoke of powder, and deafened 
by the rampart of battle, held that proportional hand- 
ful of liberty-loving Cubans, clad in traces, as some 
Europeans have been in the habit of styling them— by 
the throat, being in turn held by the hair, until both 
sides equally exhausted dropped their hold and went 
home. With this, and more like it, on her record, 
Cuba did not earn her independence then. Liberty was 
too light flighted; they saw her but could not catch 
hold of her. They had her presence at their door, but 
she could not be induced to walk into the house. Oh, 
what a disappointment! The wounds, no longer fresh, 
had begun to ache. The bodies of her slain sons had 
grown cold and stiff, scattered over a waste area of her 

fertile soil. 

****** 

The plants then crushed have started stems from 



—li- 
the same roots anew, the yokes from the mother's grip, 
have seemingly again become unbearable to those firy 
children of the south, and war has again been waged — 
probably less spiced with cruelties than those of 
the past — but not less energetic, for a number of 
years, and the antagonits seem not to have grown tired 
yet, and neither of them has gained the point from 
which to proclaim victory, though both sides are at it at 
their full capacity, and the war is there. 

Revolution has become a terrifying pronunciation 
all through civilization nearly, and too many see a 
monster behind it and nothing else. Circumstances, 
however, and commanding human rights besides pro- 
gress, compel us to make a classification based on 
divine and logical laws as the fundamental grounds, 
and when we commence to weigh these enormous 
factor j in humanity on the scales of civilization or 
measure them across the abyss of wants, we may not 
only concede the possibility of such moves, but admit 
that exigencies necessitates and justifies their demon- 
stration; having righteous cause as the very momentum 
of their existence. We may differ greatly as to the 
means sometimes used. 

When some men enter on to a higher stadium of 
worldly honor, they will not as a rule, recognize their 
brethren on the barren plateau below their own. 



Then they have friends in every port, 
Pre-eminent their wish put forth 
For doubtful fame they bore — 
When others for their freedom have 
Choosed like 'twixt life and grave 
They blocks on brethren's pathway bore. 



Habits of that kind are contracted by nations from 
the very same source, but they grow proportionately 
stronger in the latter, so they even dare to defy all 



intellectual means of civilization. On the other hand 
we may notice that weaker nations have comfortable 
protections from the greater ones, especially where no 
common interest of importance exist to stimulate envy 
towards the one side or the other, and this has been 
demonstrated by mauy bright examples on both sides 
the ocean; to mention one: The Monroe Doctrine. 

But when the question appears to aid some vitally 
interested people to enter on to the niveau of self gov- 
ernment, the general opinion or sentiment seems, with 
a few exceptions, to be rather adversely cultivated some- 
thing which, at another occasion may be more readily 
accounted for. 

Times are frugal, but may give birth to many rare 
things besides the many common ones which have long 
since ceased to create any remarkable surprise or sensa- 
tion. The part which you abhor though, should not 
spoil your tastes for what is essentially true and nice, 
and if they chanced to give birth to a nation once in a 
while, it should not cause you to classify it among the 
bad lot. A somewhat friendly contemplation officially 
and internationally of Cuba's present condition might 
resolve into the very thing, but as long as nobody 
seems to care — the proposed new being might even go 
so far as to decline to "put in an appearance," because 
of a healthful feeling of indignation. 

In not diverging too much from the particular sub- 
ject of this writing, I will say that it matters but little, 
in connection herewith, what classes the principal part 
of the Cuban insurrection is composed of. The facts at 
hand that they are waging war to the point of disputing 
the victory with great, old Spain, should lead to the 
consequence which may leave but little doubt as to 
their capability of self government. Of course, the 
chances of beginning with a mixed element may be 



—13— , 
anticipated, from historical events in similar instances, 
though self government should facilitate a kind of 
clearing ability and time be allowed to shape possible 
irregularities, etc. 

While our statesmen are entitled to a broad field 
on matters concerning foreign connections with this 
country, I do not trespass on their territory when I say 
that you may have to hunt earnestly for a single, sound 
reason why this nation should not dare to pay its 
tribute to facts which happen close to our door, 
without the unpleasant thought of running the risk of 
being stepped on the toes by another people who chance 
to be skilled in the use of weapons and feel it. The 
independence of Cuba should not cause any political 
disturbance to either of the civilized nations at all, 
neither should it interrupt the free and systematic 
course of the world's trade. The chances would be that 
it would improve the trading facility with those islands, 
in view of the probability that Cuba might develop her 
natural resources to a higher capacity when her neck 
was to be freed from the yoke which she is now strain- 
ing her nerves so energetically to throw off. Spain 
would lose practically nothing by consenting to the in- 
dependence of this her full grown daughter who has 
caused the motherly heart so much trouble at times and 
again. Really, it appears from an unprejudiced point 
of view — with the present order of things — to be a 
chain around her own leg; a drawback if anything at 
all; a heap of trouble bought with enormous amounts 
of gold which that country, like many others, cannot 
spare; a temptation involving into commit tance of 
cruelties, inflicting wounds which do not heal by the 
laws of nature, nor by appliance of medicine. The seed 
thus sown germinates and facilitates the growth of 
plants which Christendom and civilization would like to 



—14— 

get ri<l of, but have been letting their hands sink in 
vain. Forbearance ceases to work where these plants 
are grown; they turn the tide and make a useful soil lo 
a wilderness, 1 h<\y provoke love to change its clothes for 
harness, and grasp the weapon which causes death, 
instead of I hose which nurse life, and cause the specta- 
fcor to think <>f his duty and strike for progress and 
rights. 

Tin- sons of Spain ought not to let, their knightly 
turn of feelings he aroused if finding \h.e Cuban contro- 
versy subjected to a different consideration for a practi- 
cal Solvance on this hemisphere, than they may 
entertain, l<>v only the broadest logical demonstrations 
could postpone the severance of those frail connections 
which grows weaker and feebler for every stroke made 
against her imaginary prodigal decency. 

The draughts of freedom have their perimatures, 
and they touch nations with lesser indifference to intel- 
lectual growth, than their geographical latitudes' Try 

to chain a people when eonseions of such period and 
you may have to use a stronger power than that which 

moves il toward its ideal, against superior odds, 
frequently, ^v else you may have to annihilate it first 
noi exactly by extermination Imf beginning with the 
lower degrees something like what, have been per- 
formed on the scene of history at different instances. 

Should I go over to question the right of Spain 
to carry on war against Cuba, my endeavor might carry 
the discussion farther than intended i^v this occasion, 
ami probably on to a different ground. I was trying io 
reduce thai monstrous acknowledgement of Cuba's bel- 
ligerency to a simple faot, putting freedom ns a 
possibility :\\ a front distance, accessible by certain 

channels and for whom? * * * 

Spain, ns well ns any other foreign nation, 



—IS 

may have a claim on the neutrality of this country, to 
the extent of not rendering any material aid to her foes. 
This maybe considered the Limit of very friendly terms, 
Less the forms or principles of our goverriment should 
coincide with that of the other. In such case Hie duly 
of this country might morally be extended indefinitely 
except when restricted by certain treaties. But no 
treaty could bind a free nation away from its principles, 
unless when backed by the rights of the powerful and 
if such treaties should have been made by this nation's 
servants, or representatives, the discovery of their con- 
demnable nature, ought to be sufficient for their 
nullification. ' Then, only superior force on the one side, 
or coarse neglectance on the other, could prevent a 
free people from doing justice or even mercy whenever 
and to whom it may deem it necessary, without having 
to injure the one for the sake of phasing the other. 

Should the proof of the Cuban belligerency up to 
date not fully have been brought to the knowledge of 
the majority of this people, by the somewhat varying 
reports from the opposing sides, although enough 
might have been ascertained to make an opinion, to 
those having been watching the developments of things, 
that the present warfare between Spain and Cuba has 
seemed to assume the character of a si in pie riot or any 
thing of that kind. If no other report, could be sup- 
posed reliable, the true nature of the affair may farther 
be measured by the action of Spain, from the magnitude 
of armaments and troops which have been concentrated 
on the scene of war, and the lapse of time without any 
radical achievement made with this great machinery, 
to answer the purpose, ought to a degree of certainty 
picture the situation. 

Now, if in absence of sufficiency from the above 
passages to establish the proof, some one might put up 



—16— 
the question: "When should a revolutionary demon- 
stration have the quality of being favored with recogni- 
tion by nations generally?" In this case, for instance, 
would the whole of the Cuban population be required 
to establish her belligerency? Suppose the whole 
population rose to weapons for their independence, 
would Spain for this reason have relinquished on her 
claims of supremacy? Would she have ceased to fire at 
her Cuban subjects the moment she knew that all were 
against her? The probability is that she would had 
strengthened her effort to crush the whole cause just the 
same, if it could possibly have been accomplished. 

This gives an idea of how heavily the rights of the 
powerful have been weighing on nations of minor size 
during the ages of the sword, how hopelessly their 
political existence have been crawling through twilight 
and blood, for hundreds of years, and even religion had 
to share the same fate for a long time. We are forced 
to admit that ignorance was a practical blessing in 
those days; the most peaceful resting place for common 
people, besides their religious faith, that is when we 
contemplate and compare things and times at their 
surface appearance and leave the causes underground. 

There are women and men of high culture, who 
call the present an advanced age, but we are wondering 
why some people have not broke loose long ago. If 
knowledge is enlighteniug, it cannot be peace making, 
that is, before it reaches a somewhat primal stadium, 
when the foundation is defective, for not to say lack- 
ing entirely. If knowledge then gets the true condition 
enlightened clearly, some part of humanity may revolt, 
and then it may be shown how loosely there is built. So 
that when they come to talk of advanced times, 
prudence should be exercised in spite of all the wonders 
and inventions which times like the present have 



—17— 
gained. For durability is net in progress, nor in com- 
mon wealth — these admirable factors in civilization; — 
some thing unexpected might, for instance, come and 
teach them just a little. 

Take for example, justice of a more extensive 
nature than that which is circumscribed by society, is 
still weighed by the number of first-class battle ships 
* and cannons of heavy caliber. People are brought up 
to the habit of thinking of the sword as a means of 
final settlement of nearly all foreign controversies, not 
to mention its necessity when no other valuations are 
considered, when some people once in a while are to 
purchase their political independence. 

I think it is a known proverb that "even gold can 
be bought too dear," though there seems to be no limit 
to the sacrifice some people are ready to make for their 
political freedom sought. But who on earth has the 
right to demand this high tribute for an article which 
title may be rather doubtful? The absurdity must here 
be unmistakable, but where is the court on earth to sue 
for right? Thanks to the time established one, where 
powder and lead make the plea and physical force the 
final decision' Of course the other side offers the same 
means of settlement as they demand — but does not that 
appear like being one of the erring point? 

Supremacy is the spoil of victory when the will of 
the mightier becomes law. It assumes a voluntary 
character when its strength is limited by distributing 
culture, knowledge and developing good influence gen- 
erally, and its usefulness as a pioneer among certain 
wild tribes is admitted, as such, it also posesses lasting 
qualities. If this is lacking, or ceasing, its superior rights 
over other people do so in the same degree. And when a 
politically independent people outgrows its superiors in 
intellectual qualities, what right have they then any 



—18— 
longer to dictate rules for their unwilling subjects other 
than the traditional material force? But I have tried 
to show by the above that such kind of rights are rather 
thin, because the right of the sword is not always that 
of justice. 

A recognition of the Cuban belligerency would not 
justify or question the rights of insurgency generally, 
more than it would doubt the means which are generally 
used to suppress it. It would not — as mentioned 
before — need thereby to injure any international con- 
nection, but rather manifest neutrality in a truer sense, 
to a clearer view; it simply demonstrates a supposed 
equal chance to mankind generally. Traditions have 
even excepted to humanity the right in form of recip- 
rocity; to strike back when assaulted. On the other 
side it may be interesting if knowing that we owe 
something to existing facts. Sometimes it requires a 
certain degree of courage to admit certain unpopular 
truths, but this should not be applied to nations of in- 
tegral qualifications, especially when conscious of its 
own geographical and historical appearance unless 
when defected by some kind of secret, tender sides, or 
inequality in size, or moral and intellectual qualifica- 
tions. 

For the same reason that even gold can be bought 
too dear, the friendly terms maintained with everybody 
on earth, might be purchased at sacrifices. So, there 
are chances just as easy for wrong doing on this ex- 
tremity on account of the magnetic power, the fashion- 
able element has on humanity, when the suffering 
parties happen to be of those who generally lack the 
imposing qualities which in certain circles are the only 
ones which make impressions. I would not call it best 
if the independence of a nation made it impossible for 
outside influences; we have seen examples of the 



—19— 
appearances of such spirit, of a more modern cut than 
the withered Sphinx and falling Chinese wall, both 
cases which have demonstrated their failures historically. 
While the modern tendency in the same direction may 
have the opportunity of times to reform and make 
tributes to the common cause of mankind. 



WEYLER'S TERRORISM. 

Should I make an investigation into the Spanish 
way of rules in government in its true Castillian spirit, 
I should have to refer to conspicious instances of its 
history, which would occupy more space than intended 
for this occasion. But, that remnants of the ages of 
terrorism are hidden under its golden tresses, is 
manifested by its iron grip on its colonial subjects. 
One of these remnants is personified in Capt. Gen. 
Weyler. When he was sent to Cuba, it seems like all 
the demons of terrorism were let loose on that semi- 
Eden (Cuba) at once. It appears that one-half of the 
cruelties committeed during that period should have 
been enough to stir up the rest of the civilized world, 
to a champion protest. Now, when the consequences 
of it are to be counted the world shudders and would 
like to turn its sight away from the scene of it, though 
history may mark down, and someone may avenge! 
The ordinary methods of war by manliness and force, 
by powder and lead would not be an object of censuring 
critics as long as war is a sectian of civilization; it 
would not even be so if war was an appendix to civiliza- 
tion. Weyler carried the war mostly against innocent 
people; women and children. He destroyed the means 
of existence for the Cubans, even those who were loyal 



\ 



—20— 
to the mother country. Foreigners and all were made 
to suffer under his oppressing hand. Had the true 
American spirit been the ruling element in our capitol, 
uncorrupted and free from the influence of foreign dip- 
lomatic art, there should have been no break in the 
rights of mankind on the island of Cuba. The voices 
which rang from the U. S. senate in favor of Cuban 
belligerency are a credit to this nation; not because 
they would precipitate the emergencies into a warfare, 

but because they would try to stand for rights. 
* * * * * * 

There is a certain instance in the ancient history, 
so remarkable and obscure from the ordinary course of 
incidents on record — so far, that it makes me feel like 
putting fingers on my ears every time it passes my 
recollection: I would not say it has no facsimile in the 
history of mankind, but it appears like the crest of one 
mighty wave on the stirred up ocean; a wild power 
threatening every obstacle in it's way with destruction, 
and nothing on earth seems to be like it in ability of im- 
posing terror and submittance to its mercy: When the 
Roman general and consul, Sulla, invaded the city of 
Home, and celebrated his victory over Pontius Telefimus 
by butchering his prisoners of war. A whole army of 
men, soldiers and veterans were slain without mercy and 
without any further chance of self defence. It took 
several days to accomplish the work in, on account of 
the mutitude of the sacrifices, although the number of 
men engaged in it was undoubtedly sufficient for the 
emergency. Their cries reached from the "March- 
place" to Bellona's temple where the senate had assem- 
bled temporarily, and consequently they must have been 
heard mostly all over that great city. 

There is always something heart-rending in the 
cries of grown up men, and especially so by that in- 



—21— 
stance where the prisoners were men who had seen long 
service and probably wore off all cowardly feeling. 
Their cries made the Roman senators feel very un- 
comfortable too, but they didn't dare oppose the 
barbaric and cruel deed, although they were free 
Romans their parliamentary power and official influence 
were good for nothing against that one man Sulla. 

Weyler could not get at all his antagonists and 
make them prisoners of war, in which case he would in 
all probabilities spared some of them from death. But 
did not he cause more suffering than Sulla, by destroy- 
ing the means of a livelihood for nearly all classes, and 
regardless of age and sex! Probably he can produce 
grounds for his actions by orders from superiors in office 
in which case he was only instrumental to the cruelties 
recently performed on the island of Cuba. 

It is not my intention to deprive the person of Weyler, 
of good motives even in his capacity of captain general 
to Cuba. From his expressions made on behalf of his 
relievance from command, it is probable that he is one 
of those personalities who let themselves disappear in 
the supposed or real exigencies, which in some self-sup- 
posed moral sense, might releave the person from respon- 
sibilities, and consequently of the fame probably realized 
from a successful outcome. But his way of contemplation 
may not be at all satisfactory to others. Besides that 
even from a standpoint of his own mother country, an 
opinion is safe that Spain's fame is rather doubtfully 
promoted by directing the force of its multitudes on the 
object to crush a small fraction only, of its own size, and it 
is already demonstrated that it cannot do it without re- 
sorting to means which may draw consequencies danger- 
ous to its own safety as a European nation. Spain has 
already found out that the opinion is different on this 
hemisphere than is its own policy of government, and 



—22— 
in spite of this acknowledgement, it underestimates or 
disregards the risk it runs by opposing a popular senti- 
ment relative to our national life and existence. But if 
its diplomattc shrewdness should maintain to keep our 
national sense of rights in shadow for an indefinite 
time, it might preliminary alter the conditions. This, 
however, might prove to be a difficult task. 

The cabinet in Madrid will evidently not consider 
itself morally responsible for Weyler's method of war- 
fare on Cuba and the president one could not if they 
would — for presumably the members have been recalled 
to private life, like himself. This may show the erring 
points in allowing one's personal feelings of responsi- 
bility to disappear before exigencies, especially of the 
kind Weyler was invested in ; in doing so, one will run 
the risk of disappearing in disgrace when a just investi- 
gation shall be manifested. Politics in Spain, like 
many other countries, are of a vulcany nature. There 
is a liberty-loving party whose talesmen probably would 
denounce Weyler's policy in stronger terms than has 
been done so far on this hemisphere, and that party 
would probably regard a concession of the Cuban inde- 
pendence as Spain's foremost and honorable act. But 
whatever faction or party shall come to power in that 
country or whatever policy shall be adopted, in its 
colonial affairs, Weyler is a card which Spain wouldn't 
dare to play once more. 



—23— 

SPAIN'S PROPOSAL OF AUTONOHY 

is the change of direction in its Cuban policy, which 
marks the cabinet Sagasta's appearance at the wheel of 
the state. The event was looked for as the first signal 
of Spain's retreat from its iron-clad policy on Cuba. 
The necessity of such step is inseparable with all sound 
reasoning. It need not therefore signify national 
weakness in that country, by any degree, but its Cuban 
policy was too desperate to be of any lasting quality; it 
simply meant the extermination of the inhabitants on 
that island. The impossibility for progress and sound 
policy was not the only reason for making such step, 
but casualities auxiliary to the existence of the Spanish 
army for the purpose of war. It was not yet facing the 
monster with the fangs of starvation which it had pro- 
voked to seize upon and destroy so many innocent fellow- 
men, but by way of demoralizing conditions from sick- 
ness and other evils usually lingering in companion- 
ship with armies in foreign war traffic and creating a 
dissolving tendency. The moral faculties with the 
man and soldier also, relaxes against continual disregard 
for human life and everything else sacred to individual 
and family. The proud Spanish soldier, straight as a 
"grenadier" at home, and with ambitions, soldierly 
manners, becomes under that southerly latitude, soft 
and careless, while the natives are active and strained, 
as shown by the resisting element in the Cuban insurg- 
ents. Hence the committance by Spanish troops, of so 
many cowardly deeds, which if brought before the light 
of civilization, would forever eject them from decent 
society, and by the virtues of civil laws impose heavy 
punishment. 

One year or more since, a proposal of autonomy for 
Cuba would had been to Spain like offering the right 



—24- 
hand on forgiveness and future friendship; Now it 
looks like a mockery; a bell with the sound only; a 
shell without the kernel; ashes without fire; body with- 
out life. That is all! A population which .has endured 
Spanish supremacy for centuries and fought its tyranny 
for years consecutively, and yet stands ready to face 
continual assault from that armed force, have earned 
more than autonomy in the form which Spain according 
to recent reports, sees fit to offer it. 

I will admit that a proposition containing peace, 
may be better than war if it owns the character of 
endurance. Autonomy as recently offered would be for 
the Cubans one step towards independence, and for 
Spain a door whereby it might make a decent exit with- 
out any remarkable defeat on its weapon. But it leaves 
a possibility for a new outbreak of hostilities when the 
liberly-loving Cubans by their rapidly developing 
abilities have collected strength enough to make 
another revolt, and the chances would be a repetition of 
the bloody affair. As long as those Cobans feel that 
they have their slain fathers, brothers, sweethearts or 
friends, and even wives and children, to avenge — and 
they will feel it keenly, it will be a continuous source 
for new outbreak and insurgency until they have 
reached their object : Independence. Spain has inflicted 
too deep cuts on the Cubans, during the time of its 
supremacy to propose to her a form of government which 
would share the power to both sides. Such kind or 
form of government presumes uniformity in interests 
and national understanding which are the essential 
elements in nearly all forms of modern government. But 
it is manifest that these are not present between Spain 
and Cuba. The familiarity in the race, by part of the 
Cubans, seems not to better the conditions; on the con- 
trary it makes the fight still more bitter, as it displays 



—25— 
consistency on both sides. The indication is, then, that 
Spain made this "pronounciamento' 1 of autonomy to 
cover an imperative retreat. 

When difficulties of that kind reaches an attitude 
like that on Cuba, the moment is arriving for interfer- 
ence by other powers whose geographical situation and 
other interests of national importance makes it a natural 
order of things. Such precidents has been established 
and cultivated through a good portion of history. 
What we might try to credit to times and progress 
would be to arrange and level international irregulari- 
ties in a peaceable way. But our influence should not 
therefore be less effective and substantial. Nations 
have callings outwardly, which even assume a dutiable 
character. It is a common thought to conceive a 
nation's place or role of performance in the world's 
theatre. What this country concerns in this matter, 
Spain has always been in the habit of figuring in our 
sectional construction and indigrediental composition 
besides the peace-loving tendency in the people, but 
there is one thing, in the least, it has not figured on 
and probably not yet perceived, and I shall not deem 
this a suitable place for mentioning it. In all probabili- 
ties we ought not to go below any degree of acknowledg- 
ing facts manifested by continual demonstrations. 

If nations should be called to answer for their 
doings internationally, it might be brought forth, as an 
order of things, whether or not Spain had forfeited its 
rights to any further domination on Cuba. An 
affirmative answer would bring out independence to 
Cuba as a consequence. There are no laws, moral or 
judicial which would justify a civilized power to de- 
populate a country even when in a state of insurgency 
and the general course of modern thinking would not 
admit to such method, at the least not till every other 



-26- 
means for submittance or reconciliation had been ex- 
hausted. It received timely warnings against its 
Cuban policy and didn't listen to them, while it allowed 
its armed force display to assume a criminal character. 
Weyler has seemed to back his actions by his person in 
command, and in every instance, his responsibility 
would be insufficient and immaterial before the magni- 
tude of the destruction, and his reduction to private 
life would not the less accredit his doings in office, on 
Spain's account. 

Moral laws are not powerless in civilized national 
life, although many statesmen are inclined to think 
they are. By the virtues of those laws, offenders within 
the jurisdiction of civilization may be called before an 
international tribunal, and receive sentences according 
to advanced times and circumstances. One nation 
alone, when of a convenient geographical situation, may 
even assume the attitude of such tribunal. So it is con- 
ceivable that Spain's right to its Cuban supremacy is 
not irresistible. 

The era which brings to the surface humanely or 
divine principles, or both, can not be devoid of rights 
by which to realize them, when circumstances are pres- 
ent to provoke the convenient or proper moment, other- 
wise those principles would have no real existence 
beyond the imaginary. It is a work against overlived 
ideas when their establishment has to be done by force. 

We know that Cuba in her struggle for independ- 
dence has a claim on our sympathy, and many of us see 
the righteous side in her move. Her geographical dis- 
tance from this country, does not permit America to 
hear the ramparts of the battle nor to smell the powder 
and perceive the conflagrations which generally move in 
companionship with wars. But we may distinguish the 
moans of her wounded and needy inhabitants, and hear 



—27— 
fier despairing longing toward the objective point of her 
hope: The sympathy of this people, and we may imagine 
how its life blood slowly ebbs away through the 
terrible wounds of war. 

These facts recall to our recollection many historical 
events connected with earlier days of America's struggle 
for independence. They were dark days, too. But now 
we celebrate their memory, and some of you feel thank- 
ful that they came and passed. We try to teach their 
importance to coming and growing generations. 

With due respect for those trusted members con- 
stituting the executive branch of our government, and 
with the proper regard for the safety, and peaceful 
character of this people, these facts concerning our 
national honor and relations to foreign people, have 
their future stability, only when investigated into and 
their influences discussed before the public mind. It 
seems to be easily forgotten that what was considered 
good and timely, scores of years back, might have 
become condemnable to the present. There are in- 
stances when a monster — say twenty years back — has 
become a shadow at the present time. Nobody deems 
it necessary to flee for shadows. When we recall the 
time of President Grant's administration and take his 
view of the Cuban affairs as a measure for our stand- 
point, it would be to Cuba like refitting the clothes of 
a ten year old child for the same person at the age of 
thirty years. And what this country concern the 
difference between then and now, may be less striking; 
this country hides her most admirable facilities more 
than she is able to secret her faults. Grant's adminis- 
tration was with regard to its foreign policy, the offer- 
ing of the right hand in friendship to nearly every 
nation on the globe. And those who are acquainted 
with the history and developments of this country will 



—28- 
admit that prudence was then imminent to a degree 
seemingly inequalent to the size of the nation. His 
efforts was directed toward accumulating strength by 
a friendly intercourse with other nations, to re-establish 
the credit of this government abroad and facilitate an 
increase of our trade. It was a period of healing an 
internal national wound and it could not be, at the same 
time, one of developing strength outwardly. That, was 
a time of preparing national strength and for preserv- 
ing the nation's integrity, and it drew enormous 
amounts on diverse kinds of American resources to 
accomplish this by. Such a period means something 
more than an incidental happening. The history of an 
live-growing people may reflect on its future, if we 
recognize the eternal ruler of destiny for mankind. 

I am not in favor of breeding national haughtiness; 
I would rather warn against such spirit, but you wouldn't 
expect me to submit to humiliation in that direction. 
To admit to Spain the right of searching American 
ships at high sea is a harsh thing, and when it is de- 
clared from higher official authority — it becomes bitter. 
It is like a slap square in the face to every American 
patriot from the declaration of her independence, and if 
true, would mean dependence in lowest degree. If 
America should dare to stir; to speak and recognize 
Cuban belligerence, what the whole world knows — she 
should be threated like . thieves, highwaymen and 
pirates; deprived of all her national dignity, that is 
what such theory would contain. And it contains still 
more which I wouldn't dare to specify for fear of arous- 
ing young America to a rash move. 

As to "Spain's maritime right to the margin of our 
territorial water," contains neither humilliation nor 
unsafety for this nation. Hospitality is more than an 
empty password, and as far as America concern, why 



—29— 
should it not be extended to Spain as well as anyone 
else? Of course, it might be regarded as a business of 
its own to look out for shallow water and rocks and 
other obstructions connected with the territorial waters 
on this side the "pond.' 1 We are not afraid of territory 
by its dry or wet element; that is when they beware of 
fishing and hunting sports which to a certain degree is 
contrary to the law of the land. But high official 
authority should not indulge much in playing with any 
searching theory by foreign nation's men of war. 

Patriotism is blunted fearfully by allowing demoral- 
izing and worn-out treaties to exist even on the paper ; 
when they ; are on the paper someone might find it 
suitable for occasions to use them as a scarecrow. 
Those whose occupations are connected with the sea, 
cling to their country often more than those who live 
and walk thereon. Sailors often embrace their country 
in their mind and love the mark signifying their own 
and their home country's nationality. American sailors 
have suffered humiliation years ago, by Spanish search- 
ing-practice, but that was not done by virtue of the search- 
ing theory; it was made to appear an individual 
affair, which owing to the luck of that government 
saved much hard feeling, as it was found satisfactory 
to cover the mischief by hard cash. A recognition of 
the Cuban belligerency might cause hard feeling and 
save cash by length of times. Should the Cuban con- 
cert at our capitol drop off by lack of proper interest in 
the matter, Spain may yet possess the endurance to 
keep on and play the boss. 

But someone else by 'far across water, 
May come and look into the matter. 



—30- 



The Two Neighbors. 



On a secluded place, once, there lived two families, 
both earning their livelihood at the same industrial 
branch. Both were prosperous in their occupations 
but one of them had by inheritance come in pocession 
of money and large estates, which by shrewd manage- 
ment were developed by new inventions and invest- 
ments, and aided by favorable circumstances accumu- 
lated wealth at a fast rate. 

To keep this concern running it took large gangs 
of men, servants of both sexes and lots of machinery. 
The other was a tenant, and profited by the fertility 
of soil and other circumstances auxiliary to the success 
of the former, his prosperity was also in proportion, 
and all were hopeful. 

But the latter had grievances, on account of the 
the rules and regulations of the owner, who lived away 
off in a great city, and came only once in a while to 
look after his estates, to collect the tributes — which 
once were made the consideration for the occupation 
and use of his lands. Otherwise he didn't pay much 
attention to the divers particularities of life connected 
with the occupation of his tenant. This went Well for 
a while, the tributes were collected regularity, but in 
the course of time differences arose between him and 
tenant, as to the proper management of his estate, and 
this tangled into difficulties of a grave nature because 
the owner raised his demands from time to time until 



—31 — 
finally the entire valuation of the lands had been paid 
him by double the amount. On the other hand, the 
situation became unbearable for the tenant, so he 
finally ceased to live up to the regulations of the other. 
To leave the place he would not do; for the bargain was 
made for lifetime. 

Things turned into quarrels and set bad blood on 
both sides. While times passed the situation dragged 
along and grew worse until the tenant ceased to 
answer the traditional tribute, and even planned a rule 
of order in his own way. Proposals for settlement of 
the difficulties on easier and more liberal terms, were 
offered, but refused by the owner. 

By the by, he collected a considerable force of 
armed men, and came over to the tenant with these, to 
inflict material punishment by fire and death by the 
sword and starvation, in order to reinforce submission 
to his demands. The tributary, although unequal in 
strength, paid in similar coins, but was unable to pro- 
vide for the weaker members of the family and these 
suffered untold humiliations and miseries by cruel and 
inhuman treatment by the invaders. 

Their neighbor, formerly mentioned, knew most of 
what was going on over at the other place, but he 
chanced to be on friendly terms with his neighbor's 
antogonist also, deriving from earlier acquaintances, 
and for this reason he didn't feel like interfering in 
this matter. He reasoned that "neutrality might pre- 
serve his friendship with both of the contestants, and if 
he should lose that of one of the parties he would in 
either turn of events, keep the one to which fate 
bestowed the wreath of victory, without his aid.' 1 

Once in a while, when stirring news reaches him 
about indecent and cruel deeds from the scene of the 
contest, he felt uneasy and looked at his noble, stout 



—32— 
young men, and hesitated. They looked at him and 
laughed, but didn't care to make any suggesting signs, 
although in secret hours of their own they made their 
weapons ready. 

There being no special invitation or call sent him, 
for his help, from either side, while the record of 
bravery and gallant fighting displayed by his neighbor 
was prolonged as time passed on, mingled with slander- 
ous talk whether or not he was fighting at all. This, 
however, was dismissed when it became known how 
many of his enemies he had killed and reduced from 
ability from further warfare in an immediate future. 
Finally the question came up among prominent and in- 
fluential people in the vicinity whether or not his 
neighbor had the right to fight on this occasion. The 
question was discussed for a considerable space of time, 
and most everybody felt that there could be no doubt 
as to his rights in that regard. But the question had a 
formal side and this was to be on the top of all. Tra- 
ditions and historical data was measured with circum- 
stances of present existence, and from these the majority 
concluded that they could say: Yes, but our well-to-do 
man, the neighbor of him who was made the object of 
this dispute, had not yet rendered his opinion. Some 
of them thought they could guess the reason therefor, 
while others were in doubt. But most all of them were 
full of expectations, not only for the prominence and 
importance of the question, but also on account of his 
well-earned influence among them. At last, at a certain 
occasion which had gathered a big crowd, he said: 
"Fellowmen, I know you have expected to hear my 
opinion in this important matter. If it had concerned 
a personal opinion only, mine might had been expressed 
among the earliest, and in the affirmative. But you 
know the question has two sides and I am by sense of 



—33— 
your ways of accrediting to my presence an influental 
attitude among you, put between both of them. My 
feeling of right before the enlightenment of the holy 
laws of God and towards the sacred laws of human 
beings, leads me to do justice to the latter by realizing 
their rights and to try, not violating the former. On 
the other hand responsibilities are vested in public 
life, and these may seek for supports on grounds of the 
moral consciousness in the people; its divinely and 
humanly substantiality, and at the critical moment find 
only the indefinite and immaterial, while its represen- 
tatives run the risk of being subjected to a surfacely 
contemplation only, and to the judgement of the world. 
The national life, although being centralized and 
inspired from the nation's heart and intellectual exist- 
ence, has its nerves which reaches beyond the territory 
circumscribed by our borders. Those nerves, not only 
execute the nation's demands and wishes, but return to 
it, the consequences of our connections with other peo- 
ple and surroundings. But as the holy laws of God 
are supposed, also to reflect the higher and incorrupted 
faculties of mankind, in brother love and regards for 
humanly rights generally, the motives of our actions 
should be inspired by what we consider the most 
supreme of all, and then we might try to stand the con- 
sequences. With this and more before my view I con- 
clude by declaring that our neighbor who is a part in 
the controversy has rights to defend and to win, and 
that his sacrifices and endurance have made him enti- 
tled to a hearty support from his fellowmen." 



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